A Quick Guide to European Allies of Project 2025

THE FAR-RIGHT POPULIST political parties in Europe share ideologies and themes such as hyper nationalism, degrees of Euroscepticism (anti-European Union - EU), anti-immigration (especially anti-Islam, anti-African), strong Catholic or Christian beliefs, a traditional “family values” platform  and traditionalist social policies including opposition to reproductive rights including abortion; anti-LGBTQIA+ policies; and anti-diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) policies. While these parties generally share in their strong embrace of ethnonationalism and protectionism, and are nativist, they may differ in economic and governance policies and governance structure.  

They are often accused of xenophobia, Islamophobic prejudice, and varying degrees of antisemitism, including Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party in Hungary, the National Rally in France, and the Alliance for Germany (AfD). Orbán famously coined what many Euro hardline populists embrace: a growing trend of authoritarianism he called illiberalism – a counter to modern liberal democracy (see How Do You Build An Illiberal America? and Confronting Illiberalism). Marine Le Pen’s National Rally has sought to rid itself of early Nazi denialism linked to its founder, her father, the late Jean-Marie Le Pen. In Germany, the AfD remains accused of pro-Nazi sympathies and continues to draw neo-Nazi and white nationalist groups to its rallies in northern Germany. The AfD state chapters in Thuringia and Saxony are both under surveillance and classified as “proven right-wing extremist” groups by German domestic intelligence.(i)(ii) 

The French and German populists aren’t alone in struggling to present a cleaner, softer image to attract more voters. In Italy, the Fratelli d’Italia, or Brothers of Italy party, is led by neo-right It Girl Giorgia Meloni, the incumbent Prime Minister. Brothers of Italy has long been accused of being a neofascist party due to its past links to its predecessor, the post-fascist National Alliance party, and earlier neofascist Italian Social Movement.(iii) In the UK, Reform UK has also been accused of enduring ties to neo-Nazis, including leader Nigel Farage. In a public letter, a former close friend and classmate recalled a teenage Farage singing odious Hitler songs and boasting of his far-right National Front initials in their Dulwich College years, something Farage denies.(iv) Today, Reform UK has struggled to attract suitable candidates; at last count, it had rejected 16 local candidates deemed unsuitable for spouting “offensive” statements – read racist, Nazi, and fascist views.(v) (vi)

A test in Germany. The AfD faces a different challenge. In early January, an online story appeared on the website of the investigative journalism network Correctiv that shook Europe, recounting a prior November 2023 meeting in a hotel near Potsdam, where some AfD politicians and neo-Nazi European activists discussed a “master plan” for forced deportations (“remigration”) of immigrants if the AfD ever gained the power to implement such a plan.(vii) An undercover reporter  captured grainy footage of attendees who also included two members of the center-right Christian Democratic Union (CDU) party.  

That explosive revelation, intensely debated in Germany, was followed by the April trial in Saxony of Björn Höcke, the AfD’s prominent leader in the central German state of Thuringia. He has long been accused of peppering his speeches with veiled Nazi language, based on close readings by one Nazi rhetoric expert, Andreas Kemper, a German sociologist.(viii) Höcke is viewed as ‘the real boss’ of the AfD and has successfully fought off efforts to kick him out of the party, using the  media attention and controversy he generates to advance his party’s attacks on immigrants.

The AfD’s ‘real boss’ Höcke stands accused of using veiled Nazi slogans, in breach of German law. 

In May 2021, Höcke closed a speech proclaiming, “Everything for our homeland, everything for Saxony-Anhalt, everything for Germany,” the last part of which -- “Alles für Deutschland” -- was revealed to be a Nazi slogan once carved into the daggers of SA stormtroopers, and thus a  potential criminal offense. A Green Party politician who recognized the phrase filed a lawsuit against the AfD leader. In April of this year, Höcke went on trial, charged with breaching German laws outlawing use of Nazi language. The case was viewed as a test of Germany’s democracy – and the AfD’s popular support. Many were further shocked when Höcke made light of the charges but didn’t completely deny the Nazi slogan link. The AfD leader managed to avoid a prison sentence and was fined by a panel of judges who disbelieved that Höcke had been unaware of  the Nazi reference.

The April decision was viewed as slap-on-the-wrist by AfD critics who fear it gives more license to closet Nazis to gain a voice and potentially more power in Germany. Höcke then faced a second court for a similar offense and he has now been fined a total of 30,000 euros.(ix) All the while, Europe’s populist leaders are taking note, especially since the AfD claimed a historic victory in Thuringia and Saxony in two state elections held in September 2024: the party received nearly 33% of the vote in Thuringia, and almost 31% in Saxony. In smaller Thuringia, almost half of voters chose extremist parties.(x) Equally notable was the youth vote: those aged 18-29 in both states voted for the AfD more than any other party.(xi) The AfD’s state victories mark the first time the far-right has won a state election in Germany since World War II, further worrying European democrats across the continent, especially after the leaked revelations of the AfD’s meetings with neo-Nazis.(xii) German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, whose center-left party did poorly, called the election results “bitter.”(xiii) [See AfD.] 

The far-right populist wave also impacts the EU Parliament. Up to now, the majority of EU parties have backed an informal agreement—the so-called “cordon sanitaire”— to not collaborate with the far-right.(xiv) Given the shifting sands across Europe, they may be forced to consider unsavory alliances within the EU Parliament in order to govern. But that doesn’t mean they’ll do it.

“Höcke is the most successful campaigner the AfD ever had and at the same time he is the most polarising figure, the one who publicly presents the most radical positions,” said Wolfgang Schroeder, a political scientist at Kassel University, commenting on the AfD’s big win.(xv) “He basically wants a cultural revolution.” As it stands, the AfD still lacks a viable path to governing because other parties refuse to consider cooperating with it.

Executive Branch: Among the far-right European populist parties, views on the role of the executive branch may vary, though they tend to support a muscular executive bolstered by cronies within government. The more autocratic regimes like the Law and Justice (PiS) party in Poland and Orbán’s Fidesz advocate for a stronger executive with greater powers than other branches of government and have taken steps to control the judiciary; others may favor a more balanced distribution of powers. In Hungary, Orbán’s early takeover of the judiciary and state institutions reflect classic steps to establish autocratic rule; he and allies have since secured a firm grip on the national and regional press. 

A key measure of autocracy is the degree to which political parties and leaders distance themselves from key features of democracy: rule of law and civil liberties.

Measuring Autocracy: A key measure of autocracy, and its cousin, illiberalism, is the degree to which political parties and leaders distance themselves from key features of democracy. This means looking at a wide range of their policies and actions, their esteem for rule of law and civil  liberties, their support of an independent judiciary and other democratic institutions, and their respect for the voice of civil society and the will of the citizenry to participate in government.

On Europe and the EU: Within the European Parliament, some right-wing populist EU parties are members of a new, nationalist, Eurosceptic alliance called the Patriots for Europe (PfE) coalition. France’s National Rally party leader, Marine Le Pen’s young deputy, Jordan Bardella, serves as its first president. Hungary’s Orbán, now in his 14th year of power, has been the PfE’s biggest cheerleader, and has actively courted US former President Trump and the far-right MAGA camp.

The PfE’s slogan? Make Europe Great Again. (See PfE.) 

How They May Differ:

While right-wing populist political parties share common ideologies, they also differ in some areas. All are deemed to be nativist and to varying degrees Eurosceptic and opposed to Brussels controlling European policy, but some consider reform of the EU rather than stricter opposition to it. They also vary in their positions on NATO.

Religion plays a stronger role for some, such as the National Rally in France and Vox in Spain, which are both heavily Catholic and focused on preserving their Christian cultural heritage and traditions, harkening back to royalist and colonial periods. For them, Christianity refers to Christian European culture, and they emphasize protecting European Christian “civilization,” which critics read as preserving white European culture against non-white foreigners and immigrants, especially Muslims.

Social issues: All the right-wing groups advocate arch-conservative social policies, but there are some differences in their views on LGBTQIA+ rights, gender equality, and religious tolerance. The Law and Justice party (PiS) in Poland, Hungary’s Fidesz, the Freedom Party in Austria (FPÖ), and Lega (the League) in Italy are all staunchly opposed to LGBTQIA+ rights and same-sex marriage; the PiS has gone as far as creating “LGBT-free” zones. In contrast, the Sweden Democrats have  taken a softer stance on sexuality and gender, more in line with Sweden’s relatively more progressive society. While the National Rally in France is opposed to same-sex marriage and LGBTQIA+ rights, the party has had number of an openly gay leaders including Le Pen’s former No. 2, Vice-President Florian Philippot, who is credited as a key architect of the RN’s “detoxification” public relations campaign to soften its public image. There are also high-ranking LGBTQIA+ officials in the AfD. The RN openly court conservative gay voters—a move critics dub “pinkwashing” since these parties have stuck with policies and rhetoric that oppose full LGBTQIA+ equality.

Abortion: The right-wing parties are also united in their broad opposition to abortion: the National Rally in France and the Freedom Party in Austria are opposed to liberalizing abortion laws or measures to expand abortion rights. Lega in Italy seeks to restrict abortion access, while the PiS in Poland has moved to tighten abortion laws. In Germany, where abortion is technically illegal except in cases of rape or risk to a woman’s life, and requires advance permission from the state to be provided, the AfD wants to tighten the existing law, arguing the loopholes allow too many abortions.(xvi)